To Do the Greatest Harm: Cornell’s Complicity in International Violence & Destruction
Authored By: Eliza Salamon & Molybdenum
Discussion of the military-industrial complex often leaves out its third arm: academia. For many decades, the American defense industry, weapons manufacturers, and universities have collaborated in a profitable pattern that turn students and academics into cogs in the American war machine [-] [-]. The Department of Defense (D.o.D.) is the branch of government that distributes taxpayer funds, generally through direct and indirect contracts, to research universities.
This report unmasks Cornell University’s participation in this system and its complicity in global violence, destruction, and human rights violations while it enjoys a $10.7b endowment. In particular, our analysis, largely based on Office of Sponsored Research files from 2001-2024, finds that Cornell has been complicit in the U.S.-backed Saudi genocide of Yemen and the U.S.-backed Israeli genocide of Gaza. This complicity has been enacted through two forms of collaboration:
With a body of over 25,000 students, Cornell University is the largest Ivy League university by population, enjoying a $10.7b endowment. With an academic staff of nearly 3,000 people, mostly concentrated in Ithaca and NYC, though with a few in Qatar, the institution is involved in a wide range of research and development projects. Cornell publishes lists of its sponsored research projects in the public domain. This allows for an analysis of its research profile that affords us a broader and deeper look into its role in the military-industrial-academic complex. Most of this report therefore focuses on data from Cornell’s Office of Sponsored Research (O.S.R).
Like many other large research universities, Cornell collaborates with the D.o.D. and private defense contractors, ultimately contributing to the American military interests. Cornell’s partnership with the Israeli university Technion - Israel Institute of Technology through the New York City Cornell Tech Campus is uniquely glaring evidence of its willingness to profit from and contribute to the creation of weapons, and ultimately, the destruction of human lives, infrastructure, and the environment [-]. Our analysis finds that Cornell has been complicit in the U.S.-backed Saudi genocide of Yemen and the U.S.-backed Israeli genocide of Gaza. It is also likely that via weapons sales that there is an indirect technological transfer to U.S.-backed U.A.E. genocide in Sudan [via radio frequency technologies] though more investigation is required.
Within the last 25 years alone, Cornell research has been funded by millions of dollars from the Israeli Ministry of Defense, major weapons manufacturers, and other technology corporations complicit in human rights violations around the globe, and specifically in Gaza at this moment. Much of the data supporting this has been aggregated into an excel file attached here [-] with the original files [-]. Many of these companies overlap with the ten weapons manufacturers targeted in divestment resolutions successfully adopted by both the undergraduate and graduate assemblies at Cornell (BAE Systems, Boeing, Elbit Systems, General Dynamics, L3Harris Technologies, Leonardo, Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman, RTX, Technion Institute, and ThyssenKrupp)[-][-].
Like other universities, Cornell engages in Congressional and political lobbying, contributing an annual average of about $600k [-]. In the second quarter of 2025, Cornell spent more on lobbying than any other single quarter, at a whopping $440,000 [-]. Like Princeton and M.I.T., it lobbies the annual D.o.D. Appropriations Act, which enables it to win grants, scholarships, contracts and awards, either directly or indirectly via pass-through programs, wherein the university often does business with well-known weapons manufacturers. Under the leadership of Senior Director of Federal Relations, Dianne Miller, the university has already lobbied for contracts under the most recent 2025 D.o.D. Appropriations Act S4921 [-].
Hundreds of these sponsored research projects are listed in the linked table. The projects vary in subject from vaccines to cyber to hardware to policy. The table should be treated as a largely representative but incomplete list of Cornell’s involvement with the most prominent weapons manufacturing-related entities. In particular, this report does not include information regarding the Defense Security Cooperation Agency , the sub-agency of the D.o.D. that facilitates the transfer of funds from foreign governments to organizations and academic institutions within the United States (this includes funding from the Israeli Ministry of Defense).
Israeli Funding and Cornell’s Role in Apartheid and Genocide
In 2007, Harold Craighead, Professor in Applied and Engineering Physics, secured $300k from the I.M.o.D. The funded project focused on the development and fabrication of nanodevices. Though we were unable to obtain papers specifically citing this funding other than the official reporting, we present here the most plausible outcome of the proposed research. In 2006, Craighead received a visit from former Israeli prime minister Shimon Peres [-]. In a discussion with Peres, Craighead mentioned his collaboration with Tel Aviv University (T.A.U). Indeed, in the same year Craighead published a paper in collaboration with employees of T.A.U. focusing on the same topic of nanodevices [-]. Military applications of the research include nano-meter scale robotics and biotechnologies along with optics/imaging. In a similar vein, the unaffiliated partnership between Lockheed Martin and Rice University documents other broad military applications of nano-tech [-].
In 2020, Robert F. Shepherd, an Associate Professor in Mechanical and Aerospace Engineering, solicited 100k from the I.M.o.D. for elastic metamaterials research. Like Craighead, this funding is not reported in any of Shepherd’s publications, though one can extrapolate on the basis of the research topic as to which papers of his were I.M.o.D. funded. In particular, a paper from 2020 focuses precisely on the use of fluid flow to modulate material shape[-]. This field is largely concerned with the manufacturing of materials which can change properties like texture or rigidity as a modulated response. Such applications are useful for the development of robotic components which can manipulate or navigate the environment. In addition, Shepherd’s collaborator at Israeli university Technion, Amir Gat, lists a 2019-2020 $100k funding grant from Maffat (a joint administrative body of the I.M.o.D and the IDF) under the same topic[-]. Conference proceedings also fit under the same topic and Shepherd went to Technion to present his work at a conference in 2020[-][-].
Frank Wise, Professor of Engineering in Applied and Engineering Physics, also solicited $100k from the I.M.o.D. to research high-power lasers. Such terawatt fiber lasers have a variety of applications but are of particular military interest for destroying aircraft or infrastructure without the use of conventional kinetic weapons like missiles. Lockheed Martin, a weapons manufacturer, reports its own interests in high-power lasers and such weapons are already being applied aboard military ships [-] [-] [-]. This funding resulted in a paper on lasers that can be modulated to use various modes of emission [-]. Pavel Sidorenko, a post-doc within Wise’s group, is now holding a position at the Technion continuing research on the high-power fiber lasers “which are becoming increasingly important in a variety of fields ranging from military applications to healthcare”[-].
Qing Zhao, Professor of Engineering in Electrical and Computer Engineering, also solicited $420k from the I.M.o.D. between 2021 and 2024. Zhao used this funding to research artificial intelligence and machine learning algorithms and cites the I.M.o.D. funding in two papers dealing with computer vision and decision-making algorithms [-] [-]. Focusing on the former, Zhao’s work on computer vision enables cameras to more effectively identify objects, persons and notice patterns [-]. Indeed, such computer vision algorithms have been implemented by the Israeli military to identify Palestinians from Gaza at checkpoints targeting forcibly displaced refugees[-].
Zhao’s work has applications in the development of efficient autonomous drone swarms, by producing algorithms that lead to effective decision-making [-]. Suppose a swarm of drones is navigating an area, each with its own sensors or cameras learning about its environment. Zhao’s work creates an algorithm that processes this information in a centralized way and then makes a decision, such as whether or not to kill an individual or bomb a building. Per a Booz Allen Hamilton report, Israel has been to date the first to use machine learning, including drone swarms successfully in military campaigns:
“Israel’s victory over Hamas in 2021 was the first war to be won via the asymmetric advantage provided by AI, and the conflict in Gaza that started in 2023 continues to be characterized by AI as well as information warfare in the cognitive domain... Israel became the first country to use true drone swarms, deploying them in its 2021 conflict with Gaza, and is arguably the global leader in this technology because of their implementation of Elbit Systems’ Legion-X, a modular, heterogeneous, multi-domain C2 swarm system” [-]. See also [-].
The use of these machine learning algorithms in Gaza has been documented in +972 magazine with the implementation of algorithms known as The Gospel, Lavender, and Where’s Daddy? [-].
On the policy side, Sarah Kreps, Professor in Government, conducts public policy and supply chain studies for the D.o.D. and the Israeli government. In 2024, she published a study on the best surveillance practices for governments to engage in [-]. The study was in part funded by the Israel National Cyber Directorate.
Given Israel’s ongoing genocide of Palestinians, Cornell’s collaboration with Technion University in Israel is another blatant example of its active complicity. With the establishment of the Cornell Tech campus on Roosevelt Island in NYC in 2012, Cornell has doubled down on its commitment to its Israeli collaborations, despite the efforts of its activist student body and the protest of NYC communities [-][-]. At the announcement of the partnership, the Israeli consul expressed the “strategic importance” of the project to change the state’s association with conflict and violence, and instead associate it with innovation [-]. Cornell consistently touts its collaboration with Technion in published articles: “The impact of the Technion on Israel’s economy, society and defense is unmatched” [-].
Further, the word “defense” is often used by weapons manufacturers and governments as a euphemism for offensive capabilities. The Technion has also been instrumental in advancing technological capabilities of the Israeli Ministry of Defense [-] [-] [-]. It also had several programs and scholarships sponsored by weapons manufacturers Rafael and Elbit Systems [-]. In addition, Technion has been directly complicit through providing support to the Israeli military [-]. As the Boycott, Divest, and Sanction (B.D.S.) movement has documented: “Technion has developed a course on marketing the Israeli weapons industry to the international market for export. Technion also has numerous joint academic programs with the Israeli military and developed the remote control capabilities for the Caterpillar D9 armored bulldozer used by the Israeli military to demolish Palestinian homes—considered collective punishment under international law.” [-] [-] [-] [-]. Cornell Tech’s council includes Michael Bloomberg who once stated: “I’ll never condition aid to Israel.” [-]. This may reflect, in part, why Cornell’s leadership has refused to even consider divestment.
Saudi Funding and Cornell’s Role in Climate Change and Human Rights Abuses
Cornell’s complicity with genocidal governments extends further through its substantial relationships with the Saudi government and its institutions. University programs and individual faculty benefit from Saudi funds despite the many violations of human rights carried out by Mohammed Bin Salman, the Saudi totalitarian Crown Prince and Prime Minister. These include but are not limited to the following: the U.S.-backed genocide in Yemen, the assassination and dismemberment of Washington Post journalist Jamal Khashoggi, the country’s limitless production of fossil fuels, and its persistent crackdowns on its own activists, including feminists. The Yemeni genocide claimed the lives of hundreds of thousands of civilians from 2015 to 2022 [-] [-]. American-made weapons were used and made the U.S. complicit [-] [-] [-] [-]. At no point did Cornell, as an institution, take action to break ties with the Saudi dictatorship. Cornell’s former president Frank H. T. Rhodes served as a trustee at the King Abdullah University of Science Technology along with former M.I.T. president Charles M. Vest [-].
Over the past few years, faculty have also been subsidized through research funding from Saudi ARAMCO, the majority state-owned petroleum and natural gas company responsible for almost 4.5% of all global CO2 and methane emissions between 1965 and 2017 [-]. The company has a long history of obstructing action against climate change through aggressive lobbying and funding of Western research, especially at American universities [-]. The work financed by Saudi Aramco at Cornell is focused on oil refinement and energy generation broadly, a problematic venture, especially considering academia’s knowledge of the human role in perpetuating climate change.
Amongst the employees who received funds from ARAMCO are Lawrence Cathles, Lynden Archer and Emmanuel Giannelis, professors in Earth and Atmospheric Sciences, Chemical and Biomolecular Engineering, and Materials Science, respectively, who received $1.3m from 2009 to 2011 through the KAUST-Cornell Center for Energy and Sustainability. Despite its name, this center, a collaboration between Cornell and King Abdullah University of Science and Technology (KAUST) in Saudi Arabia from 2008-2015, was committed to research on oil and gas production[-][-]. Further KAUST funding followed: Giannelis also received $531k between 2012 and 2014. Archer, current Dean of the School of Engineering, received $84k in 2017. In 2023, $250k went to Professor in Chemical and Biomolecular Engineering, Yong Joo and $400k to a professor in Chemistry and Chemical Biology, Geoffrey Coates. Yong Joo also solicited $200k in funding along with Associate Professor in Civil and Environmental Engineering Greeshma Gadikota’s $300k in 2024.
Direct D.o.D. Contracts
Additionally, Cornell performs a great deal of research on behalf of the Department of Defense (D.o.D). The number of such projects is large and therefore the compiled tables only go over the years of 2023 and 2024. A few projects of note are discussed here:
Elizabeth Helbling, Assistant Professor of Electrical and Computer Engineering, accepted $621k in 2024 from the D.o.D. to research millimeter-sized robots that can navigate around on water surfaces. Robotics is a blossoming field with a wide array of applications including for war. A direct proof of this would be Boston Dynamics’ robot BigDog used by the military [-].
David Hysell, Professor of Earth and Atmospheric Sciences, accepted $151k in 2024 on an ambiguously named project: “Defense Applications Of Innovative Remote Sensing: Cornell Component”. Despite this ambiguity, Hysell’s research publications, specializing in atmospheric sciences, and his 2023 $315k D.o.D. research titled “A Unified Ionospheric Space Weather Diagnostic” gives insight into the technological developments of his 2024 grant. His papers deal broadly with the use of radio frequency signals and their disruption/interference/etc. within the ionosphere. For example, a 2025 paper of his mentions in its abstract “A high-frequency (HF) beacon network has been deployed in Peru and another in Alaska. The (HF) beacons and other instruments like GPS and sounder receivers are used to reconstruct the ionospheric electron number density regionally.” [-]. In another paper, he explains his interest in developing radio-frequency capabilities further: “Furthermore, over-the-horizon radar (OTHR), which uses HF signals and can provide detection ranges over thousands of miles, is of special interest to the aviation industry and military applications” [-]. Improving radio-frequency technologies gives a better ability for satellites to detect electronic devices and signals on the earth’s surface [-]. Tech journalist Jack Poulson has previously written about how the U.A.E., the Saudi and Israeli militaries are key customers of such technologies and have used them to detect phones and any other radio-emitting devices via satellite [-]. Hysell has also accepted funding from B.A.E. systems for similar research.
James Hwang, Research Professor in Materials Science and Engineering, has also carried out research on behalf of the D.o.D. on radio frequency technologies. However, the application is somewhat different from that of Hysell’s. In 2023, Hwang solicited $750k to use RF-signaling to characterize Gallium-Nitride semiconductors. The specific D.o.D. program he accepted funds from is known as the State Of The Art Radio Frequency Gallium Nitride program [STARRY NITE] [-]. Gallium-Nitride has been important for batteries, explosives, cell and radio signalling, computer chips and a host of other defense topics.
Gordon Pennycook, Associate Professor in Psychology, has taken around $182k from the Minerva Research Initiative of the D.o.D. to perform influence campaign studies, under the title “Multi-Levels Models Of Covert Online Information Campaigns”. According to the Minerva Initiative, this research seeks to “provide insight into ongoing influence campaigns that affect US interests and our allies in critical countries in the Indo-Pacific region” [-]. The U.S. government is historically known to be the most engaged in influence campaigns in elections of foreign nations [-]. According to Pennycook’s CV, he has worked on projects receiving over $1.5 million from the Minerva Initiative.
Collaboration With Weapons Manufacturers
Via the afore-mentioned pass-through programs, weapons manufacturers and Cornell University exchange taxpayer funds originating from the D.o.D.. These transactions foster a strong relationship that goes beyond the use of tax-payer funds. In particular, Cornell has received millions of dollars in research funding that have come directly from weapons manufacturers going back as far as 2001 from publicly available documents. These include the “primes”: Lockheed Martin [~$3m], Raytheon [~$6.5m], Boeing [~$1.4m], Northrop Grumman [~$2.3m] and General Dynamics [~$240k]. B.A.E. Systems [~$2.3m], L3Harris [~$1.4m], Shell [$500k], Exxon [~$1.2m], Intel Corporation [~$16.4m], I.B.M. [~$7.2m], M.I.T. Lincoln Laboratory [~$250k], Teledyne [~$700k] and others have also given considerable research funding to the Cornell employees.
The group of studies are far too extensive to discuss in one document but demonstrate the ultimate functioning of so-called “academic” research. The funding has been for machine learning and artificial intelligence development, software and computer language platforms, silicon chip and battery development, miniature satellites, robotics, data visualization, 3-D rendering and much more. All of these are components that are often declared as being “dual use” but are used by militaries and states well beyond any stated consumer use. As one example, Raytheon has published articles on its web page touting its collaboration with Cornell on gallium-nitride materials and refinement radio-frequency technologies [-].
These collaborations extend to student life. Cornell has overtly partnered with Lockheed Martin to create a Masters of Engineering program in Systems Engineering [-]. On the front page of the program is stated: “Lockheed Martin Employees - Welcome!”. Standards are lowered for Lockheed Martin employees by waiving GRE scores and requiring only one recommendation letter. Similarly, Cornell has an identical partnership with Boeing for a Masters program along with a 5% tuition discount and waiving of application fee [-].
The university also holds a key laboratory for the Northeast Regional Defense Technology Hub (N.O.R.D.T.E.C.H.) along with a plethora of other universities and weapons manufacturers [-]. Though its aims include a wide array of technologies, they are highly focused on the development of computer chips. The basis of the organization is to create a collaborative space between weapons manufacturers, the D.o.D., and academia.
The Cornell Tech campus in N.Y.C. also does its own collaborations, including with DefenseArk [-]. Through its startup award it has helped sustain autonomous robotics companies like Aatonomy which are looking to do business with the D.o.D. [-].
Funding For Undergraduate Engineering Teams
The last topic to be discussed in this document is the undergraduate engineering teams at Cornell. These teams participate in competitions and projects to develop drones, vehicles and software and are therefore an important recruiting ground for weapons manufacturers. The manner of recruitment comes in the form of funding.
For example, the Cornell Data Science team has taken funding from Boeing, I.B.M., Microsoft, Google and Blackrock. Microsoft’s largest A.I. customer is the Israeli military. Google has also provided A.I. services to the Israeli military without any ethical oversight [-]. Boeing produces military hardware for Israel and the Saudis [-]. Meanwhile I.B.M. collaborates with both of them [-]. Blackrock, though not a weapons manufacturer, is heavily invested in both as well.
More of the funding given to the teams can be found in the table. Other sponsors include Sandia National Labs [federally owned but operated by Honeywell], Teledyne, SpaceX, Varda, Exxon, Anduril and others. The amounts given are not fully disclosed but can range from $1-5k to over $10k.
Interestingly, Anduril was founded by two Cornell graduates: Brian Schimpf and Palmer Luckey, the latter of whom has expressed support for Israel and has answered “No comment.” to whether or not he has actively sold weapons to the Israeli military.
Outlook
In the midst of foreign catastrophes including the Yemeni genocide, the ongoing Palestinian genocide and the assassination of hundreds of reporters in Gaza, Cornell has never ceased nor paused its collaboration with regimes or the weapons manufacturers supplying them. Not only does this demonstrate its institutional and individual collaboration with actors that consistently violate international law, but also reveals that its professed human values are ultimately hollow calls. In our non-comprehensive analysis of Cornell research funding from 2001-2024, we found that researchers and institutes received hundreds of millions of dollars from the D.o.D, weapons manufacturers, and international governments committing vast human rights violations. Further investigation would also reveal indirect transfers of technology and weaponry from Cornell to U.A.E.’s fueling of the Sudanese genocide by means of weapons manufacturing sales [-].
Cornell feigns its research to be merely theoretical, non-applied, or done for the sake of “knowledge production.” David Gray Widder, post-doctoral researcher at Cornell Tech has recently written about the impossibility of making a distinction between basic and applied research when such research is funded by entities whose explicit purpose is to enact harm: “this mutual enlistment is crucial to the perpetuation of the military-industrial-commercial-academic complex, and to the technopolitical imaginaries of security through military domination that keep public funds flowing to projects in more efficient killing and destruction” [-].
Political scientist Neve Gordon and medical anthropologist Guy Shalev published a recent article titled “The Shame of Israeli Medicine”, which concludes that Israeli academics are not doing their part in preventing the genocide and therefore require external pressure and sanctioned from outside Israel. Despite these findings, Cornell Tech’s president Michael Kotlikoff recently stated proudly in a speech that “at Cornell Tech, we have the most intensive and meaningful collaboration with an Israeli university of any institution in this country” [-].
As Cornell reportedly prepares to reach a $100 million settlement with the Trump administration over allegations of anti-semitism, it draws ever closer to the belly of the beast [-]. The Trump administration’s blatant weaponization of anti-semitism is one of its many tactics designed to manufacture consent for its crackdown on higher education and prompt capitulation. With this settlement, Cornell’s alliances with repressive regimes are only continuing to expand. An institution that continues to tie itself to the destruction of international communities can only degrade and devolve into a symbol of oppression.
This report finds that Cornell’s purported goals in sustaining human-centred values are not only lacking, but are egregiously contrary to them. On an institutional and individual level, Cornell is intimately complicit in the act of genocide. And though Cornell has its own unique forms of complicity, the academic-military-industrial complex permeates the entire American system of higher education. If these institutions, as they have demonstrated thus far, do not have the moral capacity to make ethical and just decisions, it is the responsibility of students, faculty, staff, and the broader international academic community to put pressure, sanctions, and boycotts on them. Ultimately, the contradictions revealed within academia, both over decades of violent complicity and the ongoing starvation and annihilation of Gaza, make clear the necessity of breaking apart and reshaping an academia divorced from the military, and truly committed to a greater, ethical, and just future.
08/18/25